Spatial Dimensions of Family Types: Neighborhood Level Distributions of Married and Single-Parent Families in Metropolitan Areas, 1990-2000

Audrey N. Beck, Duke University

This paper employs data from the 1990 and 2000 censuses to examine aggregate trends in family type segregation. Of particular interest is the segregation among female-headed households and two-parent households. While there has been considerable work on racial residential segregation (Taeuber and Taeuber 1965; Massey and Denton 1988; Massey and Denton 1989; Massey and Denton 1993), no study to date has examined the extent of family type segregation. With this novel application of a familiar set of indices, the paper attempts to add another dimension to the discussion on racial and socioeconomic disparities in family types within the neighborhood context. Family type has received much attention, particularly the effects growing up in a single mother household. There is ample evidence from poverty literature that family types are differentially located within neighborhoods according to income. Yet, family type has generally been studied as an outcome or a correlate in neighborhood effects or ecological research (Brooks-Gunn et al. 1993; Crane 1991; Massey & Shibuya 1995; South & Crowder 1999). While many have cited the prevalence of different types of families in neighborhoods, few have applied the methods commonly utilized in ecological studies, such as segregation, isolation and exposure indices. For example, Roncek et al (1980) utilize an ecological model, but use path analysis to understand urban residential differentiation. Their study also uses female-headed households as a dependent variable which is inline with their goal of examining how residential features frame housing decisions. It is important to study family types within the framework of concentrated disadvantage. Wilson (1987) has suggested that simply controlling for a particular status of an individual without considering the concentration of this status among their neighbors can lead to inaccurate results. Likewise, simply controlling for family type or using percentage female-headed in a neighborhood will mask important spatial trends. Studies of family types have also looked at a variety of models to explain the mechanisms that lead to and perpetuate single-motherhood. These models include, but are not limited to contagion, collective socialization and institutional models. South and Baumer (2000) in an examination of these models found that ¡§over one-third of the positive effect of neighborhood disadvantage on the timing of young women¡¦s premarital birth can be attributed to the attitudes and behaviors of peers and to young women¡¦s more tolerant attitudes toward unmarried parenthood in distressed communities¡¨ (1379). Their findings indicate that the concentration of single-mothers should be important to the creation of female-headed households. An individuals¡¦s isolation from types of behavioral and social norms that correspond to married couple households should also be important. Previous measures have not been sufficient to explain the racial and income differences in the propensity for an unwed birth, we also need to include the concentration of families to better understand this phenomenon. South and Baumer (2000) can explain two-thirds of the racial difference in premarital childbearing through racial differences in neighborhood quality (1379). However, this still leaves a substantial proportion that cannot be explained by race. The paper attempts to add another dimension to the discussion on racial and socioeconomic disparities in family types within the neighborhood context. Segregation, isolation and exposure indices will be calculated based on different family types within the twenty-five largest metropolitan areas. Initial results from California metropolitan areas for show considerable variation across family-type segregation and isolation in different metropolitan contexts. Even given the variation across metropolitan areas, female-headed households tend to be more isolated and segregated than married couple households. Female-headed households also have substantially lower exposure rates to other female-headed households, than married-couples do to all other married couples. The exposure rate among single-mothers is at a magnitude of 0.1, whereas married couples have exposure rate of 0.4. While there is variation across metropolitan areas, the exposure rates tend to cluster around the stated values. Further analysis will be conducted on a broader range of metropolitan areas, as well as a detailed study of those metropolitan areas with a higher percentage of female-headed households. There is a minimal amount of variation for percent female-headed as most metropolitan areas fall into the 7 to 12 percent range. Initial results from the spatial measures suggest more dynamic variation than can be captured by a measure of percentage female-headed. Results from this will speak to the usage of percentage female-headed households as a measure of disadvantage. Further investigation of these spatial measures across neighborhoods and time will be conducted. A replication of a study such as South and Baumer's (2000) work where unwed births are used as an outcome variable will also be undertaken with the inclusion of the spatial measures. REFERENCES Brooks-Gunn, J., G.J. Duncan, P.K. Klebanov, and N. Sealand. 1993. ¡§Do Neighborhoods Influence Child and Adolescent Development?" 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